On September 9, 2025, the Australian government announced an investment of US$1.1 billion to purchase a fleet of underwater drones, through a contract with a national company to deliver, maintain, and develop these drones over the next five years. They have been described as “super-sized autonomous marine vehicles,” designed for intelligence, surveillance, reconnaissance, and long-range covert attack operations, hence the name “Ghost.” The fact is that Australia began developing these submarines in 2022 and has invested about $140 billion in them. In short, two things caught my attention: first, the complete production of these unmanned submarines within Australia, which means the localization of these industries; and second, the extensive use of artificial intelligence in these promising maritime industries.

Although this news is not new to observers, especially with the increasing efforts of countries around the world to employ artificial intelligence in the military field in general and in maritime security in particular, there is no doubt that there is fierce international competition in this field, which has become an important criterion for classifying the strength of countries, beyond the purchase of large quantities of conventional weapons, and may even surpass nuclear weapons themselves. Despite Russia’s nuclear arsenal surpassing that of the United States, President Vladimir Putin said: “Whoever controls artificial intelligence will control the world.”

While acknowledging these developments, which represent important opportunities for maritime security, given the complexity of the maritime environment and its fundamental differences from the terrestrial environment, as it covers vast areas that are difficult to control, in addition to the continuing importance of the seas as sources of natural resources, and the pivotal importance of the world’s eight waterways as arteries of international trade – most notably the Strait of Hormuz and the Bab al-Mandab Strait for the Arab Gulf states and the world – there are challenges at the same time, foremost among which is that the use of this technology is not limited to states, but has also become available to non-state groups. In February 2024, the US Central Command announced that it had thwarted an attack by the Houthis using primitive underwater drones, in the first attack of its kind using this weapon. This was a very serious indication of the role of technology in threatening maritime security, despite the fact that the technology for this weapon has been around since 2016, when scientists at Rutgers University in New Jersey, USA, developed it.

Based on the above, the important question is: what are the implications for maritime security in the Arabian Gulf? There is no doubt that some Arab Gulf states have made significant progress in military manufacturing in general, and in the use of modern technologies in the maritime field in particular. Some countries have smart ships, while others use artificial intelligence to monitor their coasts. However, localizing these industries has become a strategic necessity for three reasons. First, the Arab Gulf states are maritime countries bordering the two most important international waterways, the Strait of Hormuz and the Bab al-Mandab, which are located within a circle of chronic regional conflicts, at a time when these countries’ dependence on maritime trade has doubled. Second, the use of artificial intelligence in maritime security is linked to the localization of military industries in general, which Saudi Arabia has succeeded in achieving, with a localization rate of 19.3% by 2024. Third, non-state actors seek to use the seas in regional conflicts, and there are many examples of this.

Modern technology is necessary to counter maritime security threats, but at the same time it poses challenges for countries, especially those with extensive coastlines. However, it also raises three important questions. First: If the countries of the world do not agree on international rules, or rather reach a binding agreement to regulate the use of technology in the military field, what about maritime security? What about the vast expanses of sea and the disputes over maritime borders between many countries, and the failure of some to comply with the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea? Second: the debate over causality: does maritime security threaten regional security, or is the latter the main cause of threats to maritime security? Third: How adequate are the mechanisms that have been established to counter maritime security threats, including military alliances?

In short, in light of this technology, the intellectual contributions brought together by the “theory of maritime power supremacy” — which may explain the global balance of power — need to be reviewed. Whoever controls maritime technology controls the seas, and we are faced with an extremely complex global landscape that has led major countries to issue separate maritime security strategies, as well as form alliances and counter-alliances, including the AUKUS alliance between the United States, the United Kingdom, and Australia in September 2021, which included an agreement between the three countries to exchange information and knowledge in the fields of security, defense, technology, and artificial intelligence.

Note: This article has been automatically translated, the full article is available in Arabic.

Dr. Ashraf Mohammed Keshk,  Director of Strategic and International Studies Program