On March 31, 2015, former Saudi Foreign Minister His Royal Highness Prince Saud Al-Faisal, may God have mercy on him, told the Saudi Shura Council: “We are not advocates of war, but if the drums of war sound, we are ready for it.” Those words were not merely a response to the political circumstances of the time; rather, they expressed a firmly held principle in the policy of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. Diplomacy is the most refined instrument of power, for it gives peace a chance before it gives war a justification; however, protecting national security and state sovereignty remains a duty that brooks no hesitation when opportunities for dialogue have been exhausted.

From this perspective, the recent strikes carried out by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia—in coordination with U.S. Central Command (CENTCOM)—against sites of Iranian-backed armed factions inside Iraq can be interpreted as a shift in the rules for dealing with sources of threat, such that aggression no longer goes unpunished, and armed groups are no longer immune to accountability and deterrence. The United States also confirmed that the operation was carried out in coordination with the Iraqi government, underscoring that the target was not the Iraqi state, but rather armed groups operating outside its official framework. The Kingdom of Bahrain, alongside its brothers in the Gulf Cooperation Council, expressed support for the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia’s right to defend itself in accordance with the United Nations Charter, in a renewed affirmation of the Gulf states’ unified stance toward any threat to regional security.

The most important message in these developments is not the use of force in and of itself, but rather the establishment of a deterrence equation. History proves that peace is not maintained by good intentions alone, but rather when those who threaten security realize that their aggression will cost them more than any expected gains. Through its support for non-state armed factions in a number of countries in the region, Iran has contributed to undermining the principles of state sovereignty and good-neighborliness, in violation of the United Nations Charter and the provisions of international law.

Consequently, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is not merely defending its borders; it is fulfilling its responsibility as a pivotal regional power to safeguard regional security and peace, consolidate stability in the region, and defend the concept of the state against the concept of militias.

Iraq remains one of the most important pillars of balance in the Middle East. With its geographical location, natural resources, cultural heritage, and human capital, it can rise again to become a driving force for development and stability in the region. However, realizing this future remains contingent upon a strong state that maintains a monopoly on arms, enforces the rule of law, and upholds its monopoly over security and military decision-making—thereby safeguarding its sovereignty, strengthening its stability, and preventing it from becoming embroiled in conflicts that do not serve its national interests.

Iraq’s return to its active role in the Arab world is a gain for the entire region; Iraq’s stability means stability for the Arabian Gulf, and the recovery of its economy opens new horizons for Arab integration, restoring Baghdad to its natural position as a bridge for cooperation rather than an arena for conflict.

When Saudi Arabia speaks, it does not merely announce a military stance; rather, it affirms that regional stability can only be built on the sovereignty of states, can only be preserved through their monopoly on the use of force, and that the future of the Middle East remains contingent on the triumph of the concept of the state over that of the militia. Therefore, when the Kingdom speaks, the region listens, and the world watches, because what comes out of Riyadh is no longer merely a political stance, but a vision for the broader future of the region.

Note: This article has been automatically translated, the full article is available in Arabic.

Mr. Ahmed Khalil Buhejji, Non Resident Fellow.