Iranian attacks on the Kingdom of Bahrain and Arab Gulf States: Threats to State Sovereignty and National Security
The military confrontation that began on February 28, 2026, between the United States, Israel, and Iran did not create a new regional crisis, but rather revealed a chronic crisis between the United States and Iran, which has long demanded cooperation and complete transparency regarding its nuclear program, which poses a threat to many regional parties, especially in terms of regional balance, which is a strategic interest for the Arab Gulf states, as well as Iran’s pursuit of developing advanced generations of missiles and supporting its regional proxies.
The crisis came without warning, and its outbreak posed a huge challenge to all countries in the region, particularly the Arab Gulf states, which found themselves part of these confrontations when Iran began targeting numerous civilian installations and vital facilities in the six Arab Gulf states, even though they had never been hostile to Iran throughout history. but rather sought to pursue a policy of good neighborliness and respect for the sovereignty and independence of states as principles enshrined in international conventions. While Iran sought to support non-state groups in neighboring countries, the Arab Gulf states did not seek to interfere in Iran’s internal affairs. Over the past years, it has been the Arab Gulf states that have reached out to Iran in an attempt to mend the rift in relations caused by Iran’s insistence on exporting the principles of the revolution and attempting to expand into the Gulf on the one hand, and the repercussions of the Iran-Iraq war, in which Iran was one of the parties and sought to involve the Arab Gulf states on the other. The Arab Gulf states also sought a diplomatic path through the Saudi-Iranian agreement in 2023, brokered by China. The Kingdom of Bahrain was on the same path, as the severing of diplomatic relations between the Arab Gulf states and Iran in 2016 was due to Iran’s attack on the Saudi embassy and consulate on its territory. Despite this, the Arab Gulf states have always sought to strike a balance between changing politics and fixed geography.
Official Gulf rhetoric described Iran as a neighboring country with which relations must be established on the basis of international law and the United Nations. In fact, the nuclear negotiations that led to the signing of the nuclear agreement in 2015, and the subsequent negotiations until the eve of the war, were held under the auspices of the Sultanate of Oman.
However, the current Iranian attacks targeting civilian installations and vital facilities in the Kingdom of Bahrain and the Arab Gulf states, and even reaching many other countries in the region, including Iraq, Jordan, Turkey, and Syria, represent a flagrant violation of all international conventions and the United Nations Charter, which all countries of the world have accepted as the international umbrella governing their relations since the end of World War II until now. The Kingdom of Bahrain and the Arab Gulf states have never been advocates of war, but rather pursue a moderate foreign policy based on resolving conflicts by peaceful means and respecting the sovereignty and independence of states.
The Arab Gulf states have the right to respond in accordance with Article 51 of the United Nations Charter, in addition to international accountability channels as a result of Iranian attacks.
The justifications given by Iranian officials that the Arab Gulf states are not the target of Iranian attacks, but rather the US military bases on their territory, are contrary to reality and logic. It is clear that Iran has violated the sovereignty of the Arab Gulf states and that its attacks have targeted civilian facilities and vital infrastructure, which are crimes against the sovereignty of states and civilians. The repercussions of these attacks will not be temporary but will extend for years to come, as Iran has isolated itself twice, The first time was when it embarked on a revolutionary ideological project that sought to interfere in the affairs of other countries for decades since the Iranian revolution, which Iranian officials have openly stated was primarily aimed at the Arab Gulf states, and there is ample evidence to support this. The second time was when it threatened the lives and safety of citizens and residents of the Arab Gulf states with its recent attacks.
Iranian policies since 1979, which have led to the current situation, reflect the difference between two models of governance. The first is a revolutionary model with multiple resources, but it has used them to engage in conflicts whose sole purpose was to achieve regional leadership and hegemony within a Gulf neighborhood that has not witnessed a single attack on Iranian territory. The other model, embodied by the six Arab Gulf states, has made the welfare and prosperity of its citizens a strategic goal, as reflected in all international reports on progress and growth indicators.
Iranian attacks on the territories of the Arab Gulf states, while posing an immediate threat, will have a greater impact on regional security in the short and long term, whether as a result of military confrontations leading to the emergence of a new regime in Iran that has learned the lessons of half a century of futile conflicts, or the emergence of another regime even more hardline than its predecessor, which would reignite regional conflicts and keep the region in a state of violence and counter-violence, with the Iranian people ultimately paying the price for their political regime’s reckless policies.
Note: This article has been automatically translated, the full article is available in Arabic.
Dr. Ashraf Mohammed Keshk, Head of Strategic & International Studies
