This study aims to analyze NATO's policies towards the South by examining a special report the alliance declared about the region in May 2024. This report is the culmination of the efforts of 11 experts from NATO countries who were tasked with its preparation and was issued in May 2024. It was endorsed by the NATO summit in Washington in July of the same year. Although NATO routinely issues the "Strategic Concept" every ten years-a security review that outlines the main threats and ways to address them-the alliance's insistence on issuing this report for the southern countries reflects an awareness of the importance of this region for NATO's vital interests. The study has concluded three main findings:
First: Despite NATO fundamentally being a defensive organization, global and regional developments that have changed the nature of security threats-especially after the end of the Cold War era-have forced the alliance to adapt to these threats. These evolving threats include climate change, water and food security, illegal immigration, and energy security. All these issues cannot be addressed without cooperation with the southern countries.
Second: Despite the existence of two partnerships of NATO with southern countries-the Mediterranean Dialogue in 1994 and the Istanbul Initiative in 2004- the alliance recognizes the importance of cooperating with regional security organizations in these areas, including the African Union, the Arab League, and the Gulf Cooperation Council, as part of a multilateral cooperation to address these challenges.
Third: Despite the importance of NATO's report on the South, there are challenges in implementing the recommendations it contains, including the broad definition of the 'South' and NATO's priorities in the context of the ongoing Ukrainian war, as well as the effectiveness of the frameworks announced by NATO for cooperation with southern countries.
Derasat Journal 2024 – Issue 2
- The Derasat Journal aims to publish rigorous studies on issues related to the Arabian Gulf region, neighboring countries, the Middle East, and the world, particularly with regard to security and defense, economics and energy, from a comprehensive strategic perspective.
- To establish an intellectual dialogue among researchers from the Arabian Gulf region and beyond concerning current challenges and ways to address them.
- To enrich knowledge regarding the Arabian Gulf region and issues of regional and global security.
- Submitted studies must demonstrate originality and provide the journal with “added value,” away from repeating traditional topics, particularly in light of the rapid developments taking place in the region and the world.
- Studies submitted for publication should be relevant to issues concerning the Kingdom of Bahrain and the Gulf states, in addition to regional and international issues that have implications for the Gulf region.
- Submitted studies must maintain objectivity and avoid offending individuals, states, religions, or cultures.
- Studies submitted for publication must not have been previously published elsewhere, whether in print or electronically. The journal retains all intellectual property rights. Therefore, the contributor’s receipt of these conditions along with the assignment email implicitly signifies acceptance of them, and accordingly, the author may not republish material published in the journal elsewhere by any print or electronic means.
- Studies submitted for publication must adhere to recognized academic standards, whether regarding scientific methodology or citation and referencing. The journal follows the Chicago style for references and accepts submissions in both Arabic and English.
- The length of studies submitted for publication should range between 6,000–7,000 words, while book reviews and strategic report reviews should range between 1,500–2,000 words.
The themes of each issue of the journal are announced on the journal’s website at the Bahrain Center for Strategic, International and Energy Studies (DERASAT), inviting submissions related to those themes. Proposals for study ideas are received and discussed by the journal’s Editorial Board, after which the contributor is informed of the Board’s decision. In addition, the Editor-in-Chief may commission certain researchers to prepare studies in line with the journal’s work plan.
- No studies are published in the journal unless approved by the Peer-Review Committee (consisting of two reviewers), which has the authority to accept, reject, or request revisions from the author. The Editor-in-Chief informs the author of the reviewers’ final decision.
- Peer review is conducted by submitting the study without reference to the author’s name, accompanied by the peer-review form published on the journal’s website at the Derasat Center. The form includes four academic criteria: relevance and scope, originality and contribution, theoretical and analytical dimensions, and structure and clarity, in addition to any further comments the reviewer may wish to provide.
- A diverse list of reviewers from various specializations is selected in accordance with the objectives of the journal and the nature of the studies published therein.
Editor-in-Chief
- H.E. Dr. Shaikh Abdulla bin Ahmed bin Abdulla Al Khalifa
Chairman of the Board of Trustees Bahrain Center for Strategic, International and Energy Studies (Derasat) Kingdom of Bahrain
Managing Editor
- Dr. Ashraf Mohammed Keshk
Director of the International and Strategic Studies Program Bahrain Center for Strategic, International and Energy Studies (DERASAT) Kingdom of Bahrain
Dr. Ashraf Mohamed Keshk is a Senior Strategic Studies Expert specializing in Gulf and regional security, with more than three decades of research and academic experience. He received his PhD in Political Science from Cairo University in 2009, with a dissertation on the development of Gulf regional security since 2003: Study on the Impact of NATO Strategy,, which was awarded Best PhD Thesis. In the same year, he obtained a Diploma in Defense Studies from the NATO Defense College in Rome.
He has worked at the Bahrain Center for Strategic, International and Energy Studies (Derasat) since 2012 and currently serves as Director of the Program of Strategic and International Studies. His expertise focuses on Gulf security, defense policies, maritime security, and crisis management. He also served as an Academic Mentor and Lecturer at the NATO Defense College from 2009 to 2018 and has participated extensively in international academic, training, and conference activities.
Dr. Keshk has published extensively on Gulf and regional security. His major books include The Development of Gulf Regional Security since 2003: Study on the Impact of NATO Strategy,, Western Policies Toward the Security of the Arabian Gulf, NATO and the Gulf Countries (Springer, 2021), Maritime Security of the Arab Gulf States (Springer, 2022), and Security and Defense Policies of the Arabian Gulf Countries (2024). He also co-edited Gulf Cooperation Council Achievements and Challenges in 2025.
Associate Editors
- Omar Al-Ubaydli
Studies and Research Director
Bahrain Center for Strategic, International and Energy Studies (DERASAT), Bahrain
- Dr. Abdullah Al-Abbasi
Director of the Energy and Environment Program
Bahrain Center for Strategic, International and Energy Studies (DERASAT), Bahrain
Members
- Dr. Christian Koch
Executive Manager, Gulf Research Center Foundation Brussels and Director of Research
Gulf Research Center Kingdom of Belgium/ Kingdom of Saudi Arabia
- Dr. Osamah Alsayeghi
Research Scientist
Kuwait Institute for Scientific Research (KISR) Nonresident Scholar, Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy State of Kuwait
- Dr. Moataz Salama
Director, Arabian Gulf Program and Head of the Arab and Regional Studies Unit
Al-Ahram Center for Political and Strategic Studies Arab Republic of Egypt
- Dr. Athraa Sayed Abbas Al-Mosawi
Dean of Graduate Studies & Scientific Research, University of Bahrain
Member of the Board of Trustees, Bahrain Center for Strategic, International and Energy Studies (Derasat) Kingdom of Bahrain
This study aims to analyze the trajectory of Turkish-Gulf relations, which have witnessed significant developments over the past years, marked by high-level exchange visits between both sides. Additionally, several bilateral coordination mechanisms.
Building a Genuine Strategy for NATO Towards the South: Assessing Thirty Years of Efforts and Exploring Future Prospects
Energy Diplomacy in the Foreign Policies of the Arabian Gulf States
This study aims to analyze the role played by the Arabian Gulf states in the global energy market, particularly as fossil fuels continue to dominate the market despite efforts by countries worldwide, including the Arabian Gulf states, to transition towards clean energy. The Arabian Gulf states recognize that energy diplomacy, which encompasses not only oil and gas but also the electricity and clean energy sectors, is closely linked to their national security.
The study has concluded three main findings:
First: The Arabian Gulf states recognize the strategic importance of maintaining a fair and stable price for oil and gas in the global markets. The volatility of these prices means adopting an economic policy that includes rationalizing spending and limiting energy and food subsidy programs, among other policies.
Second: The Arabian Gulf states place great importance on international cooperation in the energy sector through energy diplomacy. Their success in securing alternative energy sources, including renewables, enables them to use such diplomacy to increase hydrocarbon exports. This implies a larger role for the Gulf states in the global renewable energy market. Therefore, the Arabian Gulf states are keen to host international energy institutions such as the International Energy Forum headquartered in Riyadh and the International Renewable Energy Agency headquartered in Abu Dhabi.
Third: The energy diplomacy of the Arabian Gulf states has evolved with the development of the oil and gas sectors since the discovery of oil, through the interwar period, and up to the formation of energy diplomacy based on the outcomes of World War II. This includes the establishment of the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) in 1960, the Organization of Arab Petroleum Exporting Countries (OAPEC) in 1967, and developments post-Cold War to the present day.
The study has concluded three main findings:
First: The Arabian Gulf states recognize the strategic importance of maintaining a fair and stable price for oil and gas in the global markets. The volatility of these prices means adopting an economic policy that includes rationalizing spending and limiting energy and food subsidy programs, among other policies.
Second: The Arabian Gulf states place great importance on international cooperation in the energy sector through energy diplomacy. Their success in securing alternative energy sources, including renewables, enables them to use such diplomacy to increase hydrocarbon exports. This implies a larger role for the Gulf states in the global renewable energy market. Therefore, the Arabian Gulf states are keen to host international energy institutions such as the International Energy Forum headquartered in Riyadh and the International Renewable Energy Agency headquartered in Abu Dhabi.
Third: The energy diplomacy of the Arabian Gulf states has evolved with the development of the oil and gas sectors since the discovery of oil, through the interwar period, and up to the formation of energy diplomacy based on the outcomes of World War II. This includes the establishment of the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) in 1960, the Organization of Arab Petroleum Exporting Countries (OAPEC) in 1967, and developments post-Cold War to the present day.
Gulf Cooperation Council Countries as a Developmental Factor in Emerging Economies: The Case of Expatriate Remittances
This paper aims to analyze the important role that expatriate remittances play in the economies of some developing countries within the context of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC). It examines the circumstances under which this workforce was brought in, the volume of financial remittances sent back to their home countries, and the impact of these remittances on various economic sectors in those countries, compared to the role of international aid in the same context.
The study has concluded three main findings:
First: Many developing countries suffer from the "poverty trap," which cannot be eliminated through financial aid alone but rather through the financial remittances of expatriates, which serve as an effective mechanism to boost economic development, combat poverty, invest in capital, and enhance economic stability.
Second: The reasons for the Arabian Gulf countries' recruitment of expatriate labor over the past decades vary and include structural, economic, and cultural factors, such as the novelty of education systems, the gap between local workforce and capital, and the cultural perception of certain jobs. The expatriate workforce has enabled the GCC countries to achieve rapid economic growth and better utilize available resources.
Third: The Arabian Gulf countries have established specific legal frameworks regarding the recruitment and residence of expatriate labor to ensure their benefit and protect their rights at the same time. Recruitment processes are governed by specific work contracts limited to a certain period. However, for greater utilization of this workforce, Bahrain, the UAE, and Saudi Arabia have announced long-term residency not necessarily tied to a work contract for some high-income categories of workers. Furthermore, some of these countries have offered citizenship to highly skilled and talented individuals. The essence of these policies is to balance the economic needs of these countries while preserving the rights of the expatriate labor within them.
The study has concluded three main findings:
First: Many developing countries suffer from the "poverty trap," which cannot be eliminated through financial aid alone but rather through the financial remittances of expatriates, which serve as an effective mechanism to boost economic development, combat poverty, invest in capital, and enhance economic stability.
Second: The reasons for the Arabian Gulf countries' recruitment of expatriate labor over the past decades vary and include structural, economic, and cultural factors, such as the novelty of education systems, the gap between local workforce and capital, and the cultural perception of certain jobs. The expatriate workforce has enabled the GCC countries to achieve rapid economic growth and better utilize available resources.
Third: The Arabian Gulf countries have established specific legal frameworks regarding the recruitment and residence of expatriate labor to ensure their benefit and protect their rights at the same time. Recruitment processes are governed by specific work contracts limited to a certain period. However, for greater utilization of this workforce, Bahrain, the UAE, and Saudi Arabia have announced long-term residency not necessarily tied to a work contract for some high-income categories of workers. Furthermore, some of these countries have offered citizenship to highly skilled and talented individuals. The essence of these policies is to balance the economic needs of these countries while preserving the rights of the expatriate labor within them.
The Gulf Cooperation Council’s Vision for Regional Security
This study aims to analyze the content and dimensions of the Gulf Cooperation Council's (GCC) vision for regional security, issued on March 28, 2024, and its reflections on the Gulf and regional security systems. This document is particularly significant as it marks the first time the Council has issued an official statement outlining a collective Gulf vision for regional security. The study includes many issues that represent both challenges and priorities for the Arabian Gulf states from a collective perspective and has concluded three main findings:
First: The vision represents a significant development in the Gulf Cooperation Council's stance in light of regional and international changes. It was presented and encompassed a comprehensive concept of regional security, introducing new elements such as maritime security, food security, and environmental security. This was achieved through fostering a collective action mechanism, enhancing and diversifying international partnerships, collectively and resolving conflicts diplomatically. This does not imply that these stances are new; rather, the Arabian Gulf states previously held various individual positions and, through the Gulf Cooperation Council, have faced regional security threats. However, the announcement of the vision by the Council serves to consolidate a unified Gulf stance toward these threats.
Second: The launch of the vision came amidst important regional and international developments that necessitated the emergence of a unified Gulf collective stance. These developments include changes in the concept of regional security itself, an increase in the frequency and number of conflicts, and the growing role and impact of transnational armed groups. Additionally, the repercussions of the Ukrainian war signal the end of the dividing lines between regional and global security, highlighting the importance of the Gulf Cooperation Council's role in achieving regional power balance.
Third: Despite the importance and impact of this vision on the Arabian Gulf states and on the regional and international levels, it faces several challenges, including the need to establish institutional frameworks for regional and global cooperation and action, considering the overlap between different security levels, in addition to the accelerating pace and changing nature of threats.
First: The vision represents a significant development in the Gulf Cooperation Council's stance in light of regional and international changes. It was presented and encompassed a comprehensive concept of regional security, introducing new elements such as maritime security, food security, and environmental security. This was achieved through fostering a collective action mechanism, enhancing and diversifying international partnerships, collectively and resolving conflicts diplomatically. This does not imply that these stances are new; rather, the Arabian Gulf states previously held various individual positions and, through the Gulf Cooperation Council, have faced regional security threats. However, the announcement of the vision by the Council serves to consolidate a unified Gulf stance toward these threats.
Second: The launch of the vision came amidst important regional and international developments that necessitated the emergence of a unified Gulf collective stance. These developments include changes in the concept of regional security itself, an increase in the frequency and number of conflicts, and the growing role and impact of transnational armed groups. Additionally, the repercussions of the Ukrainian war signal the end of the dividing lines between regional and global security, highlighting the importance of the Gulf Cooperation Council's role in achieving regional power balance.
Third: Despite the importance and impact of this vision on the Arabian Gulf states and on the regional and international levels, it faces several challenges, including the need to establish institutional frameworks for regional and global cooperation and action, considering the overlap between different security levels, in addition to the accelerating pace and changing nature of threats.
The Role of Artificial Intelligence in Enhancing the Security and Defense Capabilities of the Arabian Gulf States
This study aims to analyze the developments artificial intelligence which present opportunities and challenges, particularly in the security and defense sectors, and their impact on the content and trajectories of international and regional conflicts and the overall power of states. The study presents the Arabian Gulf states as a case study for countries that rapidly depend on these technologies.
The study has concluded three main findings:
First: If the artificial intelligence revolution has organized many implications for the concept of state power in general, it is more severe for small and medium-sized states, some of which include Arabian Gulf states that have depended on achieving a balance of power through arms purchases. This means that future arms contracts must include more access to these technologies witnessed technologies, both from major global companies in this field.
Second: The six Arabian Gulf states have been able to employ artificial intelligence technologies in the security field, as reflected in some indicators, including in the traffic sector or predicting natural disasters, as well as organizing the Hajj season in Saudi Arabia. These efforts were based on plans and the issuance of some legislation, as well as the creation of necessary institutions and their support with human resources.
Third: Although the use and employment of military intelligence technologies in the Arabian Gulf states still faces numerous challenges-particularly in localizing military industries, acquiring advanced military technology, and keeping pace with rapid technological developments that complicate long-term contracts-there are earnest efforts underway in this field despite these obstacles.
The study has concluded three main findings:
First: If the artificial intelligence revolution has organized many implications for the concept of state power in general, it is more severe for small and medium-sized states, some of which include Arabian Gulf states that have depended on achieving a balance of power through arms purchases. This means that future arms contracts must include more access to these technologies witnessed technologies, both from major global companies in this field.
Second: The six Arabian Gulf states have been able to employ artificial intelligence technologies in the security field, as reflected in some indicators, including in the traffic sector or predicting natural disasters, as well as organizing the Hajj season in Saudi Arabia. These efforts were based on plans and the issuance of some legislation, as well as the creation of necessary institutions and their support with human resources.
Third: Although the use and employment of military intelligence technologies in the Arabian Gulf states still faces numerous challenges-particularly in localizing military industries, acquiring advanced military technology, and keeping pace with rapid technological developments that complicate long-term contracts-there are earnest efforts underway in this field despite these obstacles.
The Role of the Gulf Cooperation Council in Achieving Regional Balance and Stability
This study aims to analyze the role played by the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) since its establishment in 1980 in achieving regional balance and stability, based on three pillars: political, through policies of moderate political systems; economic, through ambitious development plans; and security, aimed at establishing a collective security mechanism through the formation and development of the Peninsula Shield Force.
The study has concluded three main findings:
First: Despite the contradictions that characterized regional security that developments from 1981 to 2024, as well as occasional conflicts of interest between some regional and international platers in the region, the Arabian Gulf states pursued balanced policies and undertook various efforts to resolve these conflicts. These efforts included the GCC initiative toward Yemen in 2015, the Arab Peace Initiative in 1982, and other mediation efforts aimed at defusing tensions.
Second: Despite the security threats faced by all Arab states in 2011 and the years that followed, the GCC was able to handle these transformations in a way that preserved the collective security of the Arabian Gulf states. At the same time, there were efforts to restore stability to conflict areas, recognizing the impact of these conflicts on the security of the Arabian Gulf, including the challenge of terrorism.
Third: There are lessons learned, or rather principles that have been reinforced among the Arabian Gulf states through their management of regional challenges since the establishment of the council until 2024. These include the GCC states' strength, which primarily lies in their prosperity; the success of regional security organizations, which depends on various factors, including resisting polarization; the establishment of new regional security concepts; and, finally, the importance and necessity of openness to global blocs with significant political and economic influence.
The study has concluded three main findings:
First: Despite the contradictions that characterized regional security that developments from 1981 to 2024, as well as occasional conflicts of interest between some regional and international platers in the region, the Arabian Gulf states pursued balanced policies and undertook various efforts to resolve these conflicts. These efforts included the GCC initiative toward Yemen in 2015, the Arab Peace Initiative in 1982, and other mediation efforts aimed at defusing tensions.
Second: Despite the security threats faced by all Arab states in 2011 and the years that followed, the GCC was able to handle these transformations in a way that preserved the collective security of the Arabian Gulf states. At the same time, there were efforts to restore stability to conflict areas, recognizing the impact of these conflicts on the security of the Arabian Gulf, including the challenge of terrorism.
Third: There are lessons learned, or rather principles that have been reinforced among the Arabian Gulf states through their management of regional challenges since the establishment of the council until 2024. These include the GCC states' strength, which primarily lies in their prosperity; the success of regional security organizations, which depends on various factors, including resisting polarization; the establishment of new regional security concepts; and, finally, the importance and necessity of openness to global blocs with significant political and economic influence.
