This study aims to analyze the role undertaken by armies and security institutions in many states around the world in confronting the Coronavirus crisis, whether through contributing to limiting the spread of the virus, supporting healthcare, or providing logistical support to other civilian institutions. The study also raises questions regarding the impact of this role on the non-traditional roles of armies in the post-Corona world.
The study reached three principal conclusions:
The first: despite the crisis being connected to the medical sector, its repercussions required the mobilization of armies and security forces, which undertook an extremely pivotal role throughout all stages of confronting the pandemic, given the organizational and logistical capabilities they possess. This role complemented civilian efforts and constituted essential support for them.
The second: the Coronavirus crisis raised questions regarding the necessity of developing the medical capabilities of armed and security forces in order to employ them in the future in the event of similar crises.
The third: the Coronavirus crisis imposed numerous requirements that must be addressed within the framework of the non-traditional roles of armies, not only because of the Coronavirus crisis itself, but also in view of the changing nature of security threats. This necessarily requires changes in work plans and strategies, especially with regard to crisis management.
Derasat Journal 2020 – Issue 1
- The Derasat Journal aims to publish rigorous studies on issues related to the Arabian Gulf region, neighboring countries, the Middle East, and the world, particularly with regard to security and defense, economics and energy, from a comprehensive strategic perspective.
- To establish an intellectual dialogue among researchers from the Arabian Gulf region and beyond concerning current challenges and ways to address them.
- To enrich knowledge regarding the Arabian Gulf region and issues of regional and global security.
- Submitted studies must demonstrate originality and provide the journal with “added value,” away from repeating traditional topics, particularly in light of the rapid developments taking place in the region and the world.
- Studies submitted for publication should be relevant to issues concerning the Kingdom of Bahrain and the Gulf states, in addition to regional and international issues that have implications for the Gulf region.
- Submitted studies must maintain objectivity and avoid offending individuals, states, religions, or cultures.
- Studies submitted for publication must not have been previously published elsewhere, whether in print or electronically. The journal retains all intellectual property rights. Therefore, the contributor’s receipt of these conditions along with the assignment email implicitly signifies acceptance of them, and accordingly, the author may not republish material published in the journal elsewhere by any print or electronic means.
- Studies submitted for publication must adhere to recognized academic standards, whether regarding scientific methodology or citation and referencing. The journal follows the Chicago style for references and accepts submissions in both Arabic and English.
- The length of studies submitted for publication should range between 6,000–7,000 words, while book reviews and strategic report reviews should range between 1,500–2,000 words.
The themes of each issue of the journal are announced on the journal’s website at the Bahrain Center for Strategic, International and Energy Studies (DERASAT), inviting submissions related to those themes. Proposals for study ideas are received and discussed by the journal’s Editorial Board, after which the contributor is informed of the Board’s decision. In addition, the Editor-in-Chief may commission certain researchers to prepare studies in line with the journal’s work plan.
- No studies are published in the journal unless approved by the Peer-Review Committee (consisting of two reviewers), which has the authority to accept, reject, or request revisions from the author. The Editor-in-Chief informs the author of the reviewers’ final decision.
- Peer review is conducted by submitting the study without reference to the author’s name, accompanied by the peer-review form published on the journal’s website at the Derasat Center. The form includes four academic criteria: relevance and scope, originality and contribution, theoretical and analytical dimensions, and structure and clarity, in addition to any further comments the reviewer may wish to provide.
- A diverse list of reviewers from various specializations is selected in accordance with the objectives of the journal and the nature of the studies published therein.
Editor-in-Chief
- H.E. Dr. Shaikh Abdulla bin Ahmed bin Abdulla Al Khalifa
Chairman of the Board of Trustees Bahrain Center for Strategic, International and Energy Studies (Derasat) Kingdom of Bahrain
Managing Editor
- Dr. Ashraf Mohammed Keshk
Director of the International and Strategic Studies Program Bahrain Center for Strategic, International and Energy Studies (DERASAT) Kingdom of Bahrain
Dr. Ashraf Mohamed Keshk is a Senior Strategic Studies Expert specializing in Gulf and regional security, with more than three decades of research and academic experience. He received his PhD in Political Science from Cairo University in 2009, with a dissertation on the development of Gulf regional security since 2003: Study on the Impact of NATO Strategy,, which was awarded Best PhD Thesis. In the same year, he obtained a Diploma in Defense Studies from the NATO Defense College in Rome.
He has worked at the Bahrain Center for Strategic, International and Energy Studies (Derasat) since 2012 and currently serves as Director of the Program of Strategic and International Studies. His expertise focuses on Gulf security, defense policies, maritime security, and crisis management. He also served as an Academic Mentor and Lecturer at the NATO Defense College from 2009 to 2018 and has participated extensively in international academic, training, and conference activities.
Dr. Keshk has published extensively on Gulf and regional security. His major books include The Development of Gulf Regional Security since 2003: Study on the Impact of NATO Strategy,, Western Policies Toward the Security of the Arabian Gulf, NATO and the Gulf Countries (Springer, 2021), Maritime Security of the Arab Gulf States (Springer, 2022), and Security and Defense Policies of the Arabian Gulf Countries (2024). He also co-edited Gulf Cooperation Council Achievements and Challenges in 2025.
Associate Editors
- Omar Al-Ubaydli
Studies and Research Director
Bahrain Center for Strategic, International and Energy Studies (DERASAT), Bahrain
- Dr. Abdullah Al-Abbasi
Director of the Energy and Environment Program
Bahrain Center for Strategic, International and Energy Studies (DERASAT), Bahrain
Members
- Dr. Christian Koch
Executive Manager, Gulf Research Center Foundation Brussels and Director of Research
Gulf Research Center Kingdom of Belgium/ Kingdom of Saudi Arabia
- Dr. Osamah Alsayeghi
Research Scientist
Kuwait Institute for Scientific Research (KISR) Nonresident Scholar, Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy State of Kuwait
- Dr. Moataz Salama
Director, Arabian Gulf Program and Head of the Arab and Regional Studies Unit
Al-Ahram Center for Political and Strategic Studies Arab Republic of Egypt
- Dr. Athraa Sayed Abbas Al-Mosawi
Dean of Graduate Studies & Scientific Research, University of Bahrain
Member of the Board of Trustees, Bahrain Center for Strategic, International and Energy Studies (Derasat) Kingdom of Bahrain
Derasat publishes Vol. 12 of its semi-annual specialized research journal (Derasat), with analyses of security, defence and economic issues from a strategic perspective. In the introduction, titled, “The Kingdom of Bahrain.. An Effective Response to a Global Pandemic”, H.E. Dr. Sh. Abdulla bin Ahmed Al-Khalifa, Chairman of the Board of Trustees and Journal Chief Editor, gave an overview of Bahrain’s experience facing the Coronavirus pandemic, and the early pre-emptive steps it took to counter it. This edition of the Derasat Journal is entirely dedicated to analyzing various perspectives of the pandemic.
Armies and Confronting Non-Traditional Threats: Coronavirus as a Model
The Coronavirus Crisis and the World: A Turning Point in the Development of International Political and Economic Relations
This study aims to analyze the repercussions of the Coronavirus crisis on the current and future state of international relations on both the political and economic levels, in addition to the impact of the crisis on the Arab regional system and the Arab region, in an attempt to stimulate discussion regarding these issues, which may not be resolved in the foreseeable future.
The study reached three principal conclusions:
The first: while the Coronavirus crisis caused economic and political repercussions for international relations as a whole, the impact of this crisis on the structure of the global order remains a matter of debate. More precisely, this impact remains very limited because the crisis is not a war comparable to the wars witnessed by the world. At the same time, however, it has created opportunities for certain major powers to influence secondary issues within international interactions.
The second: the Coronavirus crisis exposed shortcomings in the international system and in the functioning of international organizations, in addition to testing the principle of solidarity in the work of regional organizations. This may impose changes in the mechanisms governing the work of these organizations on the one hand and open the way for multilateral frameworks and other organizations to emerge as more effective structures for future international and regional cooperation on the other.
The third: the crisis demonstrated the ability of many Arab states to confront crises of this type. It was also notable that some of these states provided assistance to a number of the countries most affected by the pandemic, in addition to the important coordinating role undertaken by the League of Arab States during this crisis. All of these are indicators capable of supporting the path of regional action amid the decline or competition of international roles regarding the current regional conflicts.
The study reached three principal conclusions:
The first: while the Coronavirus crisis caused economic and political repercussions for international relations as a whole, the impact of this crisis on the structure of the global order remains a matter of debate. More precisely, this impact remains very limited because the crisis is not a war comparable to the wars witnessed by the world. At the same time, however, it has created opportunities for certain major powers to influence secondary issues within international interactions.
The second: the Coronavirus crisis exposed shortcomings in the international system and in the functioning of international organizations, in addition to testing the principle of solidarity in the work of regional organizations. This may impose changes in the mechanisms governing the work of these organizations on the one hand and open the way for multilateral frameworks and other organizations to emerge as more effective structures for future international and regional cooperation on the other.
The third: the crisis demonstrated the ability of many Arab states to confront crises of this type. It was also notable that some of these states provided assistance to a number of the countries most affected by the pandemic, in addition to the important coordinating role undertaken by the League of Arab States during this crisis. All of these are indicators capable of supporting the path of regional action amid the decline or competition of international roles regarding the current regional conflicts.
The Gulf States and the Management of the Coronavirus Crisis
This study seeks to present a strategic vision of the mechanisms adopted by the Arabian Gulf states in managing the Coronavirus crisis. These mechanisms varied between the mechanism of collective Gulf action, the role of leadership during crises, health, security, and media mechanisms, voluntary work, and strategies for dealing with expatriate labor in these states.
The study reached three principal conclusions:
The first: the Coronavirus crisis constituted an enormous challenge for the Gulf states, as it combined the three characteristics of crises: surprise, limited time, and the need to make decisive decisions. Nevertheless, the Gulf states adopted integrated and parallel strategies on the security, medical, media, and voluntary levels, in addition to collective Gulf coordination that embodied the concept of solidarity among the GCC states. All of these efforts would not have borne fruit without the pivotal role of Gulf elites in managing this crisis.
The second: although the Coronavirus crisis was global in scale, affecting all developed and developing states, it was more severe for the Gulf states, which host enormous numbers of expatriate workers. This added burdens on the various institutions in the Gulf states in their handling of the crisis, in addition to the coincidence of the crisis with declining oil prices in global markets and the general state of regional instability.
The third: although it is natural for many states to wait until crises end before reviewing their priorities, some Gulf states had already begun preparing for the post-Corona phase, whether through reconsidering the structure of governments or thinking about holding national forums to examine the repercussions of the post-pandemic period and how to deal with them. These are strategic visions that take into account the lessons learned from crises in order to formulate plans that combine realism and flexibility.
The study reached three principal conclusions:
The first: the Coronavirus crisis constituted an enormous challenge for the Gulf states, as it combined the three characteristics of crises: surprise, limited time, and the need to make decisive decisions. Nevertheless, the Gulf states adopted integrated and parallel strategies on the security, medical, media, and voluntary levels, in addition to collective Gulf coordination that embodied the concept of solidarity among the GCC states. All of these efforts would not have borne fruit without the pivotal role of Gulf elites in managing this crisis.
The second: although the Coronavirus crisis was global in scale, affecting all developed and developing states, it was more severe for the Gulf states, which host enormous numbers of expatriate workers. This added burdens on the various institutions in the Gulf states in their handling of the crisis, in addition to the coincidence of the crisis with declining oil prices in global markets and the general state of regional instability.
The third: although it is natural for many states to wait until crises end before reviewing their priorities, some Gulf states had already begun preparing for the post-Corona phase, whether through reconsidering the structure of governments or thinking about holding national forums to examine the repercussions of the post-pandemic period and how to deal with them. These are strategic visions that take into account the lessons learned from crises in order to formulate plans that combine realism and flexibility.
The Gulf States and the Management of the Economic Challenges of the Coronavirus Crisis
This study aims to comprehensively analyze the strategies of the Arabian Gulf states in confronting the Coronavirus crisis on the economic level, whether in terms of the repercussions caused by this crisis on the economies of these states, or through analyzing and evaluating the mechanisms adopted by these states to confront the crisis, and presenting some future recommendations in light of the continuation of the crisis and its repercussions.
The study reached three principal conclusions:
The first: like other states of the world, the Coronavirus crisis had direct effects on Gulf economies, including direct health costs, the contraction of aggregate demand and production, in addition to the expected long-term effects, especially those related to the debate regarding the future trajectory and nature of globalization, as well as the structure of the global economy.
The second: in order to confront the economic challenges imposed by Coronavirus, the Arabian Gulf states adopted several diverse monetary and fiscal policies represented in substantial support for individuals and institutions, in addition to oil policies. The Gulf states based these measures on the financial capabilities they possess, as well as their distinguished international relations, which enabled them to influence the issue of balance in the global oil market.
The third: when evaluating the efforts of a state or a group of states during crises, it is necessary to highlight comparison with other states, at the very least those sharing similar circumstances. Based on this, it is observed that the Gulf states maintained the value of their currencies and overall economic performance. This was based on the strong infrastructure of Gulf economies on the one hand, and the existence of economic plans characterized by flexibility on the other. However, in the long term, there remains a need to review economic plans, reduce public debt levels, address deficits in public budgets, examine methods of economic diversification, and establish an integrated strategy for dealing with expatriate labor.
The study reached three principal conclusions:
The first: like other states of the world, the Coronavirus crisis had direct effects on Gulf economies, including direct health costs, the contraction of aggregate demand and production, in addition to the expected long-term effects, especially those related to the debate regarding the future trajectory and nature of globalization, as well as the structure of the global economy.
The second: in order to confront the economic challenges imposed by Coronavirus, the Arabian Gulf states adopted several diverse monetary and fiscal policies represented in substantial support for individuals and institutions, in addition to oil policies. The Gulf states based these measures on the financial capabilities they possess, as well as their distinguished international relations, which enabled them to influence the issue of balance in the global oil market.
The third: when evaluating the efforts of a state or a group of states during crises, it is necessary to highlight comparison with other states, at the very least those sharing similar circumstances. Based on this, it is observed that the Gulf states maintained the value of their currencies and overall economic performance. This was based on the strong infrastructure of Gulf economies on the one hand, and the existence of economic plans characterized by flexibility on the other. However, in the long term, there remains a need to review economic plans, reduce public debt levels, address deficits in public budgets, examine methods of economic diversification, and establish an integrated strategy for dealing with expatriate labor.
The Impact of Cooperation and Competition in the Indian Ocean Region on the Security of the Arabian Gulf
Researchers have affirmed that the Indian Ocean will be the arena in which conflicts of the twenty-first century begin, from the geo-strategic historian Alfred Thayer Mahan between the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, to the contemporary analyst Robert D. Kaplan—both Americans—and many others in between. This study discusses the importance of the Indian Ocean for regional and global security, the indicators of conflict and competition within it, the potential impact of this competition on the interests of the states bordering it and on global interests, and finally the impact of all these variables on the security of the Arabian Gulf.
The study reached three principal conclusions:
The first: the Indian Ocean region is witnessing a clear intensification of the conflict between India and China. While India views this region as its own lake, it harbors deep concern regarding China’s efforts to establish military bases throughout the region, in addition to the Belt and Road Initiative and the growing naval power of China.
The second: despite the announcement by the United States of its defense strategy, which included what became known as the “pivot to Asia,” the features of this strategy remain ambiguous, except for what has appeared in the form of a series of alliances and counter-alliances in the Indian Ocean region, which keeps the conflict among the parties of this region at its highest levels.
The third: while acknowledging that the Indian Ocean region has become an important area for the production and consumption of energy in the world, the direct parties in this region, as well as the regional and international actors with strategic interests there, must attach importance to the security file in a manner commensurate with its economic importance, in order to achieve regional security in this vital region of the world.
The study reached three principal conclusions:
The first: the Indian Ocean region is witnessing a clear intensification of the conflict between India and China. While India views this region as its own lake, it harbors deep concern regarding China’s efforts to establish military bases throughout the region, in addition to the Belt and Road Initiative and the growing naval power of China.
The second: despite the announcement by the United States of its defense strategy, which included what became known as the “pivot to Asia,” the features of this strategy remain ambiguous, except for what has appeared in the form of a series of alliances and counter-alliances in the Indian Ocean region, which keeps the conflict among the parties of this region at its highest levels.
The third: while acknowledging that the Indian Ocean region has become an important area for the production and consumption of energy in the world, the direct parties in this region, as well as the regional and international actors with strategic interests there, must attach importance to the security file in a manner commensurate with its economic importance, in order to achieve regional security in this vital region of the world.
The Impact of the Coronavirus Crisis on the Concept and Mechanisms of National Security of States
This study aims to analyze the repercussions of the Coronavirus crisis on the changing concept of national security of states, its impact on their national security priorities, and the mechanisms for achieving national security in light of the repercussions caused by the Coronavirus crisis.
The study reached three principal conclusions:
The first: the Coronavirus crisis led to renewed focus on health security, making it an essential component of the national security of states. There had previously been international attention to this concept through Human Development Reports and certain sessions of the United Nations Security Council. In addition, the Coronavirus crisis affected the reordering of the criteria used to measure the strength of states in a manner different from traditional criteria, while also contributing to the removal of the dividing boundaries between the three levels of security: local, regional, and global.
The second: the Coronavirus crisis compelled states to reconsider the functioning of the mechanisms for achieving national security, including intelligence agencies, which are expected to devote significant attention to virus warfare. It also required the reordering of national security priorities of states, in addition to incorporating biological warfare and methods of dealing with it into national security strategies.
The third: the Coronavirus crisis renewed attention to crisis management, which in the past had been limited to security crises. Health crisis management has now become an essential component of the national security of states, requiring the solidarity of all state institutions in dealing with this type of crisis.
The study reached three principal conclusions:
The first: the Coronavirus crisis led to renewed focus on health security, making it an essential component of the national security of states. There had previously been international attention to this concept through Human Development Reports and certain sessions of the United Nations Security Council. In addition, the Coronavirus crisis affected the reordering of the criteria used to measure the strength of states in a manner different from traditional criteria, while also contributing to the removal of the dividing boundaries between the three levels of security: local, regional, and global.
The second: the Coronavirus crisis compelled states to reconsider the functioning of the mechanisms for achieving national security, including intelligence agencies, which are expected to devote significant attention to virus warfare. It also required the reordering of national security priorities of states, in addition to incorporating biological warfare and methods of dealing with it into national security strategies.
The third: the Coronavirus crisis renewed attention to crisis management, which in the past had been limited to security crises. Health crisis management has now become an essential component of the national security of states, requiring the solidarity of all state institutions in dealing with this type of crisis.
