Derasat Journal 2022- Issue 2
- The Derasat Journal aims to publish rigorous studies on issues related to the Arabian Gulf region, neighboring countries, the Middle East, and the world, particularly with regard to security and defense, economics and energy, from a comprehensive strategic perspective.
- To establish an intellectual dialogue among researchers from the Arabian Gulf region and beyond concerning current challenges and ways to address them.
- To enrich knowledge regarding the Arabian Gulf region and issues of regional and global security.
- Submitted studies must demonstrate originality and provide the journal with “added value,” away from repeating traditional topics, particularly in light of the rapid developments taking place in the region and the world.
- Studies submitted for publication should be relevant to issues concerning the Kingdom of Bahrain and the Gulf states, in addition to regional and international issues that have implications for the Gulf region.
- Submitted studies must maintain objectivity and avoid offending individuals, states, religions, or cultures.
- Studies submitted for publication must not have been previously published elsewhere, whether in print or electronically. The journal retains all intellectual property rights. Therefore, the contributor’s receipt of these conditions along with the assignment email implicitly signifies acceptance of them, and accordingly, the author may not republish material published in the journal elsewhere by any print or electronic means.
- Studies submitted for publication must adhere to recognized academic standards, whether regarding scientific methodology or citation and referencing. The journal follows the Chicago style for references and accepts submissions in both Arabic and English.
- The length of studies submitted for publication should range between 6,000–7,000 words, while book reviews and strategic report reviews should range between 1,500–2,000 words.
The themes of each issue of the journal are announced on the journal’s website at the Bahrain Center for Strategic, International and Energy Studies (DERASAT), inviting submissions related to those themes. Proposals for study ideas are received and discussed by the journal’s Editorial Board, after which the contributor is informed of the Board’s decision. In addition, the Editor-in-Chief may commission certain researchers to prepare studies in line with the journal’s work plan.
- No studies are published in the journal unless approved by the Peer-Review Committee (consisting of two reviewers), which has the authority to accept, reject, or request revisions from the author. The Editor-in-Chief informs the author of the reviewers’ final decision.
- Peer review is conducted by submitting the study without reference to the author’s name, accompanied by the peer-review form published on the journal’s website at the Derasat Center. The form includes four academic criteria: relevance and scope, originality and contribution, theoretical and analytical dimensions, and structure and clarity, in addition to any further comments the reviewer may wish to provide.
- A diverse list of reviewers from various specializations is selected in accordance with the objectives of the journal and the nature of the studies published therein.
Editor-in-Chief
- H.E. Dr. Shaikh Abdulla bin Ahmed bin Abdulla Al Khalifa
Chairman of the Board of Trustees Bahrain Center for Strategic, International and Energy Studies (Derasat) Kingdom of Bahrain
Managing Editor
- Dr. Ashraf Mohammed Keshk
Director of the International and Strategic Studies Program Bahrain Center for Strategic, International and Energy Studies (DERASAT) Kingdom of Bahrain
Dr. Ashraf Mohamed Keshk is a Senior Strategic Studies Expert specializing in Gulf and regional security, with more than three decades of research and academic experience. He received his PhD in Political Science from Cairo University in 2009, with a dissertation on the development of Gulf regional security since 2003: Study on the Impact of NATO Strategy,, which was awarded Best PhD Thesis. In the same year, he obtained a Diploma in Defense Studies from the NATO Defense College in Rome.
He has worked at the Bahrain Center for Strategic, International and Energy Studies (Derasat) since 2012 and currently serves as Director of the Program of Strategic and International Studies. His expertise focuses on Gulf security, defense policies, maritime security, and crisis management. He also served as an Academic Mentor and Lecturer at the NATO Defense College from 2009 to 2018 and has participated extensively in international academic, training, and conference activities.
Dr. Keshk has published extensively on Gulf and regional security. His major books include The Development of Gulf Regional Security since 2003: Study on the Impact of NATO Strategy,, Western Policies Toward the Security of the Arabian Gulf, NATO and the Gulf Countries (Springer, 2021), Maritime Security of the Arab Gulf States (Springer, 2022), and Security and Defense Policies of the Arabian Gulf Countries (2024). He also co-edited Gulf Cooperation Council Achievements and Challenges in 2025.
Associate Editors
- Omar Al-Ubaydli
Studies and Research Director
Bahrain Center for Strategic, International and Energy Studies (DERASAT), Bahrain
- Dr. Abdullah Al-Abbasi
Director of the Energy and Environment Program
Bahrain Center for Strategic, International and Energy Studies (DERASAT), Bahrain
Members
- Dr. Christian Koch
Executive Manager, Gulf Research Center Foundation Brussels and Director of Research
Gulf Research Center Kingdom of Belgium/ Kingdom of Saudi Arabia
- Dr. Osamah Alsayeghi
Research Scientist
Kuwait Institute for Scientific Research (KISR) Nonresident Scholar, Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy State of Kuwait
- Dr. Moataz Salama
Director, Arabian Gulf Program and Head of the Arab and Regional Studies Unit
Al-Ahram Center for Political and Strategic Studies Arab Republic of Egypt
- Dr. Athraa Sayed Abbas Al-Mosawi
Dean of Graduate Studies & Scientific Research, University of Bahrain
Member of the Board of Trustees, Bahrain Center for Strategic, International and Energy Studies (Derasat) Kingdom of Bahrain
The Bahrain Center for Strategic, International and Energy Studies (Derasat) published a new issue of Derasat Journal, its biannual peer-reviewed scientific journal, which examined several strategic issues and developments in the Arabian Gulf region.
The study concluded with three findings:
Although armies were less vulnerable to cyber threats in the Arab Gulf states compared to other civilian sectors, these threats still exist for the military sector. This includes the possibility of hacking command and control systems within the armed forces, stealing or destroying information, data and military documents, targeting military infrastructure as well as military institutions.
The advanced rankings of the Arab Gulf countries in the Global Communications Index on Cybersecurity reflect the steps taken by the Arab Gulf countries regarding confronting cyber threats in the legislative, regulatory and technical aspects and building cyber capabilities, all of which are measures in the civil and military fields.
There are reasons that explain the increase in the frequency of cybersecurity threats to the Arab Gulf states to the exclusion of other countries in the region. There was a boom that Arab Gulf states have achieved in the field of digital transformation which created cyber threats to all sectors, in addition to the pivotal importance of the oil and gas sectors to the economies of the Arab Gulf states, as well as regional crises, during which militias target the Arab Gulf states through cyber-attacks.
Despite the specific criteria and objectives on which the United States bases its agreements with various countries around the world, they met with Bahrain's objectives at the same time, which is to implement the 2030 economic vision, one of whose objectives is to diversify the economy, which enhances the importance of the American markets for the Bahraini economy.
Although there is great importance to the results achieved due to the signing of that agreement for the two countries, there is still a need to further benefit from it, which requires identifying the areas and priorities of the US economy at present, in addition to the ability to attract international capital and join new economic blocs.
It is essential to confront the obstacles facing the development of mechanisms for implementing that agreement, including providing more data, attempting to reduce public debt within the financial balance program in Bahrain, focusing on infrastructure and its development, in addition to the legislative and legal requirements necessary for regulating trade between the parties and addressing obstacles to its activation.
The study concluded three findings:
Given the importance of all the factors that have led Arab Gulf states towards localizing military industries, including raising readiness for their own capabilities, exploiting oil revenues in projects characterized by durability and integration, as well as the distinguished status of military industries for countries, the most important objective is to achieve regional balance, particularly given the imbalance in power with other parties, which represents the biggest challenge in the Arabian Gulf region.
Although it has been a relatively short period since Gulf strategies began to localize military industries, some Arab Gulf states have achieved satisfactory results based on the attractive investment environment for these industries, the establishment of specialized administrative structures, and the establishment of distinguished companies with international companies involved in these industries. Moreover, organizing annual exhibitions on the most significant accomplishments of these industries.
Despite the importance of the results achieved by the military industries in some Arab Gulf countries, they still face many obstacles, including human cadres specialized in those industries that need qualitative education, in addition to the impact of rapid technological development on the efforts of the Arab Gulf states regarding self-armament, as well as the challenge of competition with major companies working in the same field.
The study concluded three findings:
The GCC countries have taken integrated approaches to confront maritime security threats at both the collective and individual levels, in addition to the security track, all of which were responses to those threats.
With the importance of the previous approaches, the military track was the most prominent in Gulf efforts, through cooperation with the U.S. Fifth Fleet's Central Command, in addition to enhancing Gulf maritime capabilities, as well as conducting many naval exercises to increase the effectiveness of naval forces in dealing with any possible maritime disasters.
There is still a need to develop maritime capabilities for the GCC countries, in addition to joint cooperation, as well as employing modern technological advancements to protect the marine environment from any risks. Perhaps there is a greater need for simulation exercises to be conducted to prepare for any emergency scenarios.
The study concluded three findings:
Technology in general, and military technology in particular, is witnessing an amazing development, including artificial intelligence technologies, and this is expressed by drones, which have become a difficult number in regional and international conflicts. This is especially true, since even developing countries can obtain them given their cheap cost, in addition to the ease with which terrorist groups obtain this technology. This led to a radical change in the content and course of the conflicts.
If modern military represents a challenge to all countries, then these challenges are increasing for the Arab Gulf countries that are located within a turbulent region that witnessed the use of this technology, whether in targeting some vital infrastructure in the Arab Gulf countries or Gulf oil tankers. Furthermore, the difficulty lies in determining the source of launching these modern weapons which raises the issue of accountability. Moreover, they have become a means by some countries and the militias that support them to manage regional conflicts.
Since the challenge creates a response, the Arab Gulf states have begun to develop their defense capabilities by taking advantage of this technology. This is done by including the goal of localizing defense industries in some of the development visions of the Arab Gulf states, or interest in obtaining these technologies within arms deals.
This paper concluded with three important results:
The weakness of the Libyan state after the overthrow of the former regime in 2011 led to the emergence of three simultaneous threats, which are (1) the growing rates of migration from Africa to Europe through the Libyan lands, the increase in asylum rates (2) terrorism, armed militias, and organized crime (3) the inability of the security forces to confront them on the other hand, which prompted many regional and international parties to get involved in the Libyan file to prevent these threats from reaching their lands.
Although all regional and international parties have theoretically declared an agreement to support the transition towards the democratic path in Libya according to a specific and clear road map by the United Nations, the reality is the opposite. There is a conflict between many regional and international parties that have fundamental interests in Libya, which is reflected in the official statements of the officials of those countries during the conferences to discuss the Libyan issue, which reflected the existence of aspects which conflict with their interests in Libya.
With the importance of international roles in resolving regional conflicts, the international conflict and competition had a clear reflection on the position of both the United States and Russia in Libya. The United States believes that the Russian role in Libya reflects Russia's attempts to find a new foothold in the Middle East after Syria. While Russia's adherence to the matter is increasing after the outbreak of the war in Ukraine.
The changes that India and the Arab Gulf countries witnessed during the last two decades led to a remarkable rapprochement between them that reflects mutual keenness to develop a strategic partnership that goes beyond the traditional areas of cooperation represented in oil and labor.
There are two variables that had an impact on the acceleration of the Indian-Gulf cooperation: (1) the Corona pandemic, from which the Indian economy emerged successfully, as well as the Gulf economies, which represented favorable opportunities for cooperation in many fields (2) the shift of U.S. administration priorities towards Asia and the desire of the Arab Gulf states to diversify their international partnerships.
Despite the importance of the Indian- Gulf partnership, this does not mean that India will replace the United States in the security of the Arab Gulf. This is due to the lack of Asian consensus on what security arrangements are required in the Arab Gulf region. However, this does not mean that there is a decline in the Indian role, but rather it is growing towards the Arab Gulf to lay the foundations of a comprehensive partnership between the two sides in all fields.