The study aims to analyse the contents and course of the security partnerships between France and the Arabian Gulf states, As one of the five permanent members of the UN Security Council, France is an important partner to the region, and this is reflected in its foreign policy which has, in recent years, show- cased a special interest in the Middle East in general, and in the Gulf in particular. Indeed, whether by strengthening the defence capabilities of the Gulf states through advanced French weapons and arms, or by France announcing the establishment of a European mission to monitor navigation in the Strait of Hormuz, the study concluded three main results summarised below:
First: The French-Gulf relationship is multifaceted, spanning crucial security matters within, and beyond, the Arab world. In addition, regional and international transformations since at least 2011 contribute greatly to the strength of this partnership and support its sustain- ability as it involves redrawing the geopolitical map in the region in line with the broad strategic and security visions of the two parties.
Second: The future continuity of the French-Gulf partnership depends on several considerations, the most important of which is France's ability to minimise Iran's regional role and curtail its nuclear aspirations and its ability to influence European Union institutions and mobilize them in favour of Arab regional concerns.
Third: The French role in regional security, as with the general European role, complements and does not compete with that of the American role in the region.
Derasat Journal 2021 – Issue 1
- The Derasat Journal aims to publish rigorous studies on issues related to the Arabian Gulf region, neighboring countries, the Middle East, and the world, particularly with regard to security and defense, economics and energy, from a comprehensive strategic perspective.
- To establish an intellectual dialogue among researchers from the Arabian Gulf region and beyond concerning current challenges and ways to address them.
- To enrich knowledge regarding the Arabian Gulf region and issues of regional and global security.
- Submitted studies must demonstrate originality and provide the journal with “added value,” away from repeating traditional topics, particularly in light of the rapid developments taking place in the region and the world.
- Studies submitted for publication should be relevant to issues concerning the Kingdom of Bahrain and the Gulf states, in addition to regional and international issues that have implications for the Gulf region.
- Submitted studies must maintain objectivity and avoid offending individuals, states, religions, or cultures.
- Studies submitted for publication must not have been previously published elsewhere, whether in print or electronically. The journal retains all intellectual property rights. Therefore, the contributor’s receipt of these conditions along with the assignment email implicitly signifies acceptance of them, and accordingly, the author may not republish material published in the journal elsewhere by any print or electronic means.
- Studies submitted for publication must adhere to recognized academic standards, whether regarding scientific methodology or citation and referencing. The journal follows the Chicago style for references and accepts submissions in both Arabic and English.
- The length of studies submitted for publication should range between 6,000–7,000 words, while book reviews and strategic report reviews should range between 1,500–2,000 words.
The themes of each issue of the journal are announced on the journal’s website at the Bahrain Center for Strategic, International and Energy Studies (DERASAT), inviting submissions related to those themes. Proposals for study ideas are received and discussed by the journal’s Editorial Board, after which the contributor is informed of the Board’s decision. In addition, the Editor-in-Chief may commission certain researchers to prepare studies in line with the journal’s work plan.
- No studies are published in the journal unless approved by the Peer-Review Committee (consisting of two reviewers), which has the authority to accept, reject, or request revisions from the author. The Editor-in-Chief informs the author of the reviewers’ final decision.
- Peer review is conducted by submitting the study without reference to the author’s name, accompanied by the peer-review form published on the journal’s website at the Derasat Center. The form includes four academic criteria: relevance and scope, originality and contribution, theoretical and analytical dimensions, and structure and clarity, in addition to any further comments the reviewer may wish to provide.
- A diverse list of reviewers from various specializations is selected in accordance with the objectives of the journal and the nature of the studies published therein.
Editor-in-Chief
- H.E. Dr. Shaikh Abdulla bin Ahmed bin Abdulla Al Khalifa
Chairman of the Board of Trustees Bahrain Center for Strategic, International and Energy Studies (Derasat) Kingdom of Bahrain
Managing Editor
- Dr. Ashraf Mohammed Keshk
Director of the International and Strategic Studies Program Bahrain Center for Strategic, International and Energy Studies (DERASAT) Kingdom of Bahrain
Dr. Ashraf Mohamed Keshk is a Senior Strategic Studies Expert specializing in Gulf and regional security, with more than three decades of research and academic experience. He received his PhD in Political Science from Cairo University in 2009, with a dissertation on the development of Gulf regional security since 2003: Study on the Impact of NATO Strategy,, which was awarded Best PhD Thesis. In the same year, he obtained a Diploma in Defense Studies from the NATO Defense College in Rome.
He has worked at the Bahrain Center for Strategic, International and Energy Studies (Derasat) since 2012 and currently serves as Director of the Program of Strategic and International Studies. His expertise focuses on Gulf security, defense policies, maritime security, and crisis management. He also served as an Academic Mentor and Lecturer at the NATO Defense College from 2009 to 2018 and has participated extensively in international academic, training, and conference activities.
Dr. Keshk has published extensively on Gulf and regional security. His major books include The Development of Gulf Regional Security since 2003: Study on the Impact of NATO Strategy,, Western Policies Toward the Security of the Arabian Gulf, NATO and the Gulf Countries (Springer, 2021), Maritime Security of the Arab Gulf States (Springer, 2022), and Security and Defense Policies of the Arabian Gulf Countries (2024). He also co-edited Gulf Cooperation Council Achievements and Challenges in 2025.
Associate Editors
- Omar Al-Ubaydli
Studies and Research Director
Bahrain Center for Strategic, International and Energy Studies (DERASAT), Bahrain
- Dr. Abdullah Al-Abbasi
Director of the Energy and Environment Program
Bahrain Center for Strategic, International and Energy Studies (DERASAT), Bahrain
Members
- Dr. Christian Koch
Executive Manager, Gulf Research Center Foundation Brussels and Director of Research
Gulf Research Center Kingdom of Belgium/ Kingdom of Saudi Arabia
- Dr. Osamah Alsayeghi
Research Scientist
Kuwait Institute for Scientific Research (KISR) Nonresident Scholar, Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy State of Kuwait
- Dr. Moataz Salama
Director, Arabian Gulf Program and Head of the Arab and Regional Studies Unit
Al-Ahram Center for Political and Strategic Studies Arab Republic of Egypt
- Dr. Athraa Sayed Abbas Al-Mosawi
Dean of Graduate Studies & Scientific Research, University of Bahrain
Member of the Board of Trustees, Bahrain Center for Strategic, International and Energy Studies (Derasat) Kingdom of Bahrain
Derasat has published volume 14 of its specialized semi-annual journal, ‘Derasat’, which provides analyses of security, defense, and economic issues from a strategic perspective, as pointed out in an op-ed by H.E Dr. Shaikh Abdulla bin Ahmed Al-Khalifa, Chairman of the Derasat Center Board of Trustees and the journal’s Chief Editor, titled, “Security and Defense Partnerships for the Arab Gulf Countries: An essential pillar of regional and global security”.
This volume includes studies on the role of the Central Bank of Bahrain in achieving monetary and financial stability, security and defense partnerships for the Arab Gulf states, and the foreign policies of the Arab Gulf states towards Africa. The Journal also reviews a number of books and strategic reports on NATO and the Middle East, and an integrated review of Britain’s security and defense and foreign policy, in addition to presenting the main activities of the Derasat Center.
France and the Arabian Gulf: objectives of a broad security partnership
Strategic, Security and Diplomatic Assistance: NATO’s Evolving Partnership with the Arabian Gulf
This study analyses NATO's Istanbul Cooperation Initiative (ICI) which was launched in 2004 to increase cooperation with countries in the Arabian Gulf, and with Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states. In the 16 years since it was launched, four GCC member states have joined, with the exception of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and Sultanate of Oman. The paper is divided into three parts. The first section analyses the ICI considering NATO's foreign policy towards the Global South, the second evaluates the Initiative as part of three case study scenarios, and the third section attempts to assess the Initiative's future in view of the NATO 2030 agenda.
The paper's three key findings are summarised below:
First: Despite the multi-faceted cooperation between NATO, the four GCC member states and the changes in the security environment over the years since the Initiative was launched, cooperation on strategic matters has yet to materialise.
Second: Evaluating the Istanbul Initiative according to the following frameworks - that it is part of a larger alliance, a broader alliance diplomatic process, and forms part of the alliance's security assistance - demonstrates that there is progress within one path without the others.
Third: Should NATO wish to further develop its involvement in regional security, it must identify areas of alignment and cooperation vis- a-vis differences with its partners and focus on the strategic dimension to its relationship with its Arab Gulf partner.
The paper's three key findings are summarised below:
First: Despite the multi-faceted cooperation between NATO, the four GCC member states and the changes in the security environment over the years since the Initiative was launched, cooperation on strategic matters has yet to materialise.
Second: Evaluating the Istanbul Initiative according to the following frameworks - that it is part of a larger alliance, a broader alliance diplomatic process, and forms part of the alliance's security assistance - demonstrates that there is progress within one path without the others.
Third: Should NATO wish to further develop its involvement in regional security, it must identify areas of alignment and cooperation vis- a-vis differences with its partners and focus on the strategic dimension to its relationship with its Arab Gulf partner.
The Foreign Policy of the Arabian Gulf States towards Africa: A Study Focused on the Horn of Africa
As countries begin to take less parochial attitudes towards international relations, focusing on broader regional pictures, for a variety of historical and strategic reasons, the Horn of Africa has become an area in which states compete against each other, both regionally and internationally. Indeed, the Gulf states increasingly seek to participate in such processes. As such, this study analyses the factors underpinning the foreign policy of Gulf states towards the Horn of Africa and how they have been translated into mechanisms and direct action on the ground.
The paper's three main findings are summarised below:
First: Despite the common geostrategic challenges facing the Gulf states and the Horn of Africa, most notably the threat of piracy and maritime threats, they have been engaging with the threats through bilateral frameworks with no existence of a cooperative framework that includes both regional blocs.
Second: The mechanisms implemented by the various Gulf states in their dealings with the Horn of Africa vary according to their foreign policy objectives in the region.
Third: Most indicators demonstrate that the role of Gulf states towards the Horn of Africa will continue to grow in the coming years, both to preserve their interests and engage with regional and global rivalry at the strategic Bab Al-Mandab Strait.
The paper's three main findings are summarised below:
First: Despite the common geostrategic challenges facing the Gulf states and the Horn of Africa, most notably the threat of piracy and maritime threats, they have been engaging with the threats through bilateral frameworks with no existence of a cooperative framework that includes both regional blocs.
Second: The mechanisms implemented by the various Gulf states in their dealings with the Horn of Africa vary according to their foreign policy objectives in the region.
Third: Most indicators demonstrate that the role of Gulf states towards the Horn of Africa will continue to grow in the coming years, both to preserve their interests and engage with regional and global rivalry at the strategic Bab Al-Mandab Strait.
The Role of the Central Bank of Bahrain in Achieving Continuous and Financial Stability
This study aims to analyse the role of the Central Bank of Bahrain, as the Kingdom of Bahrain's supreme economic authority, in achieving monetary stability in Bahrain. De- spite the economic and financial challenges faced by the Kingdom of Bahrain, whether before or during the Covid-19 pandemic, the Central Bank of Bahrain succeeded at its mission. The study concluded three main results, which are:
First: The Central Bank of Bahrain is charged with the responsibility of managing the financial, monetary, and banking systems in the Kingdom of Bahrain. While achieving financial stability was an implicit objective of the Bank when it was first established, it became a public and primary objective in 2020 following the development of governance standards in light of the global financial crisis and the Basel Ill summit.
Second: The Central Bank of Bahrain utilised a package of financial and monetary tools to achieve these goals, but the most important policy adopted by the Central Bank was pegging the Bahraini Dinar to the U.S. Dollar. In addition, the Central Bank was keen to control the banking system under the umbrella of the financial stability policy, through strict legislation that it imposed on the activities, investments and operations of Bahraini banks.
Third: The Central Bank of Bahrain succeeded in achieving the goals it was entrusted with, and this was reflected in both precise monetary and banking indicators, in addition to macroeconomic indicators. Among the most important evidence of success is the stability of consumer prices, the volume of foreign direct investments in the Kingdom of Bahrain, and the low interest rates. As a result of the success of these policies, the Bahraini economy achieved high growth rates during the period 2006 - 2019, until the Bahraini economy faced challenges due to the Covid-19 pandemic in 2020.
First: The Central Bank of Bahrain is charged with the responsibility of managing the financial, monetary, and banking systems in the Kingdom of Bahrain. While achieving financial stability was an implicit objective of the Bank when it was first established, it became a public and primary objective in 2020 following the development of governance standards in light of the global financial crisis and the Basel Ill summit.
Second: The Central Bank of Bahrain utilised a package of financial and monetary tools to achieve these goals, but the most important policy adopted by the Central Bank was pegging the Bahraini Dinar to the U.S. Dollar. In addition, the Central Bank was keen to control the banking system under the umbrella of the financial stability policy, through strict legislation that it imposed on the activities, investments and operations of Bahraini banks.
Third: The Central Bank of Bahrain succeeded in achieving the goals it was entrusted with, and this was reflected in both precise monetary and banking indicators, in addition to macroeconomic indicators. Among the most important evidence of success is the stability of consumer prices, the volume of foreign direct investments in the Kingdom of Bahrain, and the low interest rates. As a result of the success of these policies, the Bahraini economy achieved high growth rates during the period 2006 - 2019, until the Bahraini economy faced challenges due to the Covid-19 pandemic in 2020.
The Security and Defence Partnership between Britain and the Arab Gulf States
Many studies have taken the position that understanding European foreign policy ex- plains American foreign policy, particularly their defence and security choices. This paper adopts a different approach by taking a holistic view of Britain's role in the Arab Gulf regional security since 1971. This demonstrates that the British role in ensuring regional security remains central post-Brexit, despite the changing British economic, security and defence interests in the region and confirms the modern-day relevance of Britain's historical role as a strategic partner to the countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council.
The paper's three main conclusions are summarized below:
First: The strategic relationship between Britain and the Arab Gulf States has, to date, focused primarily on defence and security considerations. Given Britain's emphasis on economic concerns and attracting investment post- Brexit, the Gulf States have an opportunity to turn the economic dimension of their partnership into its driver. This will serve to cement the long-term nature of their relationship.
Second: In the light of current regional and global changes, developing the British-Gulf relationship is imperative both to achieving the appropriate regional power balance, the essential aim of any partnerships, and to diversifying their international partnerships. Moreover, Britain possesses the historical, current, and future interests to be a central partner to the Gulf States.
Third: Britain's ability to operate within global security arrangements ensures that it will continue to play a pivotal role in regional security arrangements and deterrence in the Arabian Gulf, in terms of both general deterrence - given growing threats to regional security – and maritime security in particular. Moreover, Britain has the ability to work within any collective security arrangement.
The paper's three main conclusions are summarized below:
First: The strategic relationship between Britain and the Arab Gulf States has, to date, focused primarily on defence and security considerations. Given Britain's emphasis on economic concerns and attracting investment post- Brexit, the Gulf States have an opportunity to turn the economic dimension of their partnership into its driver. This will serve to cement the long-term nature of their relationship.
Second: In the light of current regional and global changes, developing the British-Gulf relationship is imperative both to achieving the appropriate regional power balance, the essential aim of any partnerships, and to diversifying their international partnerships. Moreover, Britain possesses the historical, current, and future interests to be a central partner to the Gulf States.
Third: Britain's ability to operate within global security arrangements ensures that it will continue to play a pivotal role in regional security arrangements and deterrence in the Arabian Gulf, in terms of both general deterrence - given growing threats to regional security – and maritime security in particular. Moreover, Britain has the ability to work within any collective security arrangement.
The Strategic Partnership between Bahrain and the United States of America
The study assesses the various aspects of the strategic partnership between the United
States of America and the Kingdom of Bahrain as a case study for the defence options available to small states amid a highly complex regional and rapidly transforming global
environment, where the many aspects of this partnership transcend security and defence dimensions to economic and commercial aspects, as well as employing the concept of soft power to further the objective of this partnership.
The study concluded three main results, namely:
First: By assessing the mechanisms and efforts of coordination between the Kingdom of Bahrain and the United States of America in so many fields over the past decades, the accurate description of these two relations is that they are of a "strategic nature". This relationship is becoming more consolidated day after day, not only due to the desire from both parties, but considering what is required by the current regional security developments, such continuous coordination is called for.
Second: The development of the partnership is not only reflected on both sides, but also on the regional and global security system. There is no doubt that the specificity of the geographical location of the Kingdom of Bahrain and its effective contribution to achieving regional security, as well as the role played by the United States of America towards regional and global security have enhanced the importance of this partnership and the necessity of mobilizing it towards broader horizons in the future.
Third: Although the establishment of security and defense alliances with major countries is an option pursued by all the countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council, it was noted that the Kingdom of Bahrain has special partnership among these alliances on both the
defense and economic levels, as Bahrain is the headquarters of the US Fifth Fleet, in addition to being the platform of the United States of America to establish an American trading zone in Bahrain.
States of America and the Kingdom of Bahrain as a case study for the defence options available to small states amid a highly complex regional and rapidly transforming global
environment, where the many aspects of this partnership transcend security and defence dimensions to economic and commercial aspects, as well as employing the concept of soft power to further the objective of this partnership.
The study concluded three main results, namely:
First: By assessing the mechanisms and efforts of coordination between the Kingdom of Bahrain and the United States of America in so many fields over the past decades, the accurate description of these two relations is that they are of a "strategic nature". This relationship is becoming more consolidated day after day, not only due to the desire from both parties, but considering what is required by the current regional security developments, such continuous coordination is called for.
Second: The development of the partnership is not only reflected on both sides, but also on the regional and global security system. There is no doubt that the specificity of the geographical location of the Kingdom of Bahrain and its effective contribution to achieving regional security, as well as the role played by the United States of America towards regional and global security have enhanced the importance of this partnership and the necessity of mobilizing it towards broader horizons in the future.
Third: Although the establishment of security and defense alliances with major countries is an option pursued by all the countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council, it was noted that the Kingdom of Bahrain has special partnership among these alliances on both the
defense and economic levels, as Bahrain is the headquarters of the US Fifth Fleet, in addition to being the platform of the United States of America to establish an American trading zone in Bahrain.
