This study deals with one of the most prominent economic issues of the Kingdom of Bahrain, which is the strategy for the development of the Bahraini industry. This issue is gaining importance from several aspects, the most important of which is that it reflects one of the mechanisms for diversifying sources of income diversification in line with the sustainable development plan for Bahrain 2030. On the other hand, the industrial sector is one of the sectors that stands out within the role of the private sector in the Kingdom of Bahrain, and thirdly, the industry sector allows further strengthening of the international economic partnerships of the Kingdom of Bahrain, especially with the United States, who have signed a free trade agreement with Bahrain.
This study concluded three findings:
First: The Bahraini governments strategy towards the industrial sector witnessed remarkable developments. Before the year 2000, the government was keen to lead industrial projects, but after that date, as a result of many factors, including the repercussions of the global financial crisis, and the change of strategies of the major countries themselves towards implementing industrial strategies, Bahrain has begun to give more opportunities to the private sector by creating the appropriate environment for its work.
Second: The basic features of the Bahraini Industry Strategy announced in December 2021 are to increase the governments guiding and supervisory role, and to focus on advanced goods and services, which are important elements that are compatible of sustainable development, in addition to benefiting from research and innovation.
Third: The study showed that there are requirements to activate the contents of the industrial strategy to have a positive impact on the Bahraini economy, including the need for clear coordination mechanisms between the government and the private international economic partnerships, especially with countries whose experiences are similar to the Kingdom of Bahrain, and benefiting from scientific research and innovation to find that this strategy is on its way to being fully implemented.
Derasat Journal 2021 – Issue 2
- The Derasat Journal aims to publish rigorous studies on issues related to the Arabian Gulf region, neighboring countries, the Middle East, and the world, particularly with regard to security and defense, economics and energy, from a comprehensive strategic perspective.
- To establish an intellectual dialogue among researchers from the Arabian Gulf region and beyond concerning current challenges and ways to address them.
- To enrich knowledge regarding the Arabian Gulf region and issues of regional and global security.
- Submitted studies must demonstrate originality and provide the journal with “added value,” away from repeating traditional topics, particularly in light of the rapid developments taking place in the region and the world.
- Studies submitted for publication should be relevant to issues concerning the Kingdom of Bahrain and the Gulf states, in addition to regional and international issues that have implications for the Gulf region.
- Submitted studies must maintain objectivity and avoid offending individuals, states, religions, or cultures.
- Studies submitted for publication must not have been previously published elsewhere, whether in print or electronically. The journal retains all intellectual property rights. Therefore, the contributor’s receipt of these conditions along with the assignment email implicitly signifies acceptance of them, and accordingly, the author may not republish material published in the journal elsewhere by any print or electronic means.
- Studies submitted for publication must adhere to recognized academic standards, whether regarding scientific methodology or citation and referencing. The journal follows the Chicago style for references and accepts submissions in both Arabic and English.
- The length of studies submitted for publication should range between 6,000–7,000 words, while book reviews and strategic report reviews should range between 1,500–2,000 words.
The themes of each issue of the journal are announced on the journal’s website at the Bahrain Center for Strategic, International and Energy Studies (DERASAT), inviting submissions related to those themes. Proposals for study ideas are received and discussed by the journal’s Editorial Board, after which the contributor is informed of the Board’s decision. In addition, the Editor-in-Chief may commission certain researchers to prepare studies in line with the journal’s work plan.
- No studies are published in the journal unless approved by the Peer-Review Committee (consisting of two reviewers), which has the authority to accept, reject, or request revisions from the author. The Editor-in-Chief informs the author of the reviewers’ final decision.
- Peer review is conducted by submitting the study without reference to the author’s name, accompanied by the peer-review form published on the journal’s website at the Derasat Center. The form includes four academic criteria: relevance and scope, originality and contribution, theoretical and analytical dimensions, and structure and clarity, in addition to any further comments the reviewer may wish to provide.
- A diverse list of reviewers from various specializations is selected in accordance with the objectives of the journal and the nature of the studies published therein.
Editor-in-Chief
- H.E. Dr. Shaikh Abdulla bin Ahmed bin Abdulla Al Khalifa
Chairman of the Board of Trustees Bahrain Center for Strategic, International and Energy Studies (Derasat) Kingdom of Bahrain
Managing Editor
- Dr. Ashraf Mohammed Keshk
Director of the International and Strategic Studies Program Bahrain Center for Strategic, International and Energy Studies (DERASAT) Kingdom of Bahrain
Dr. Ashraf Mohamed Keshk is a Senior Strategic Studies Expert specializing in Gulf and regional security, with more than three decades of research and academic experience. He received his PhD in Political Science from Cairo University in 2009, with a dissertation on the development of Gulf regional security since 2003: Study on the Impact of NATO Strategy,, which was awarded Best PhD Thesis. In the same year, he obtained a Diploma in Defense Studies from the NATO Defense College in Rome.
He has worked at the Bahrain Center for Strategic, International and Energy Studies (Derasat) since 2012 and currently serves as Director of the Program of Strategic and International Studies. His expertise focuses on Gulf security, defense policies, maritime security, and crisis management. He also served as an Academic Mentor and Lecturer at the NATO Defense College from 2009 to 2018 and has participated extensively in international academic, training, and conference activities.
Dr. Keshk has published extensively on Gulf and regional security. His major books include The Development of Gulf Regional Security since 2003: Study on the Impact of NATO Strategy,, Western Policies Toward the Security of the Arabian Gulf, NATO and the Gulf Countries (Springer, 2021), Maritime Security of the Arab Gulf States (Springer, 2022), and Security and Defense Policies of the Arabian Gulf Countries (2024). He also co-edited Gulf Cooperation Council Achievements and Challenges in 2025.
Associate Editors
- Omar Al-Ubaydli
Studies and Research Director
Bahrain Center for Strategic, International and Energy Studies (DERASAT), Bahrain
- Dr. Abdullah Al-Abbasi
Director of the Energy and Environment Program
Bahrain Center for Strategic, International and Energy Studies (DERASAT), Bahrain
Members
- Dr. Christian Koch
Executive Manager, Gulf Research Center Foundation Brussels and Director of Research
Gulf Research Center Kingdom of Belgium/ Kingdom of Saudi Arabia
- Dr. Osamah Alsayeghi
Research Scientist
Kuwait Institute for Scientific Research (KISR) Nonresident Scholar, Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy State of Kuwait
- Dr. Moataz Salama
Director, Arabian Gulf Program and Head of the Arab and Regional Studies Unit
Al-Ahram Center for Political and Strategic Studies Arab Republic of Egypt
- Dr. Athraa Sayed Abbas Al-Mosawi
Dean of Graduate Studies & Scientific Research, University of Bahrain
Member of the Board of Trustees, Bahrain Center for Strategic, International and Energy Studies (Derasat) Kingdom of Bahrain
The fifteenth issue of Derasat Journal includes a number of studies, namely the Bahraini industry strategy, the British-Bahraini partnership, and the New Mashreq Gathering, in addition to the analysis of Iranian missile capabilities, it also includes an important study on the issue of American redeployment in the world through several reports on that issue. It also sheds light on the visions of Western research centers.
Bahrain Industry Sector Strategy 2022-2026: Opportunities and Challenges
Bahraini-British Partnership
This study aims to analyze the contents and paths of the Bahraini-British partnership, which is among the most important international partnerships for the Kingdom of Bahrain.
This study concluded three findings:
First: The current regional and global developments maintaining that partnership, but developing it and pushing it towards broader horizons. Both sides have strategic advantages that represent solid foundations for that partnership, which is reflected in its contents and future paths.
Second: With the importance of the pillars of the partnership between the Kingdom of Bahrain and Britain, given the current regional security threats, maintaining maritime security is of great importance, and both countries have advantages that represent a basis for cooperation in that field. Bahrain, in addition to its distinguished strategic location, plays an important role in confronting regional security threats aimed at the Arab Gulf states through its partnerships with major countries in this regard. As for Britain, it has historical experience towards the security of the Arabian Gulf region in general and maritime security threats in particular through its naval capabilities on the one hand, and its participation in many alliances aimed at preserving maritime navigation in the Arabian Gulf, on the other hand.
Third: With the importance of the security and defense aspects of the Bahraini-British partnership, which is complementary with its counterpart with other major countries, the multiplicity of aspects of that partnership to include issues in the economic and educational fields, in addition to cooperation in the field of infrastructure lends the distinctive to that partnership.
This study concluded three findings:
First: The current regional and global developments maintaining that partnership, but developing it and pushing it towards broader horizons. Both sides have strategic advantages that represent solid foundations for that partnership, which is reflected in its contents and future paths.
Second: With the importance of the pillars of the partnership between the Kingdom of Bahrain and Britain, given the current regional security threats, maintaining maritime security is of great importance, and both countries have advantages that represent a basis for cooperation in that field. Bahrain, in addition to its distinguished strategic location, plays an important role in confronting regional security threats aimed at the Arab Gulf states through its partnerships with major countries in this regard. As for Britain, it has historical experience towards the security of the Arabian Gulf region in general and maritime security threats in particular through its naval capabilities on the one hand, and its participation in many alliances aimed at preserving maritime navigation in the Arabian Gulf, on the other hand.
Third: With the importance of the security and defense aspects of the Bahraini-British partnership, which is complementary with its counterpart with other major countries, the multiplicity of aspects of that partnership to include issues in the economic and educational fields, in addition to cooperation in the field of infrastructure lends the distinctive to that partnership.
The American Academic and Official Viewpoint on the Strategy of Military Redeployment in the World
Although the United States announced its military redeployment strategy years ago, there are no studies that analyze the perspective of Western think tanks on this particular subject. Hence this study is important since it includes an analysis of the perspectives of the American think tanks, as well as the official perspective regarding the causes and objectives of the transformation in Americas military redeployment strategy, as well as its impact on different regions of the world.
This study concluded three findings: First: There is no fixed defense strategy for the United States, but rather it is based on the interests and threats declared in the American national security strategies that are issued every few years, and according to those strategies, there are priorities for the redistribution of American military power abroad.
Second: The American military redeployment abroad does not mean the withdrawal of American forces, especially since they are located in areas where the United States has vital interests, but rather their repositioning. According to one of the American studies centers, there are more than 170,000 soldiers in active service deployed abroad until March 2021. The top three countries with the largest number of deployed forces are Japan (53,732), Germany (33,959) and South Korea (26,416).
Third: With the importance of external factors that explain this shift in the military redeployment strategy, internal factors also play a role, especially in light of the huge economic cost of that military presence, which represents a huge burden on the American economy, which suffers from an increase in public debt and deficit due to the challenges it faced from the Corona pandemic.
This study concluded three findings: First: There is no fixed defense strategy for the United States, but rather it is based on the interests and threats declared in the American national security strategies that are issued every few years, and according to those strategies, there are priorities for the redistribution of American military power abroad.
Second: The American military redeployment abroad does not mean the withdrawal of American forces, especially since they are located in areas where the United States has vital interests, but rather their repositioning. According to one of the American studies centers, there are more than 170,000 soldiers in active service deployed abroad until March 2021. The top three countries with the largest number of deployed forces are Japan (53,732), Germany (33,959) and South Korea (26,416).
Third: With the importance of external factors that explain this shift in the military redeployment strategy, internal factors also play a role, especially in light of the huge economic cost of that military presence, which represents a huge burden on the American economy, which suffers from an increase in public debt and deficit due to the challenges it faced from the Corona pandemic.
The Debate over the US military Presence in the Middle East: Biden’s Administration and the Search for a Strategy
This study aims to analyze the issue of the American military presence in the Middle East and the controversy over that presence in light of the United States declaring more than once that it is in the process of redeploying the American military abroad so that the priority is to confront each of China and Russia in areas away from the Middle East.
This study concluded three findings:
First: Although the official documents issued by the American institutions included the issue of military redeployment, the reality confirms, and leaves no room for the slightest doubt, that it is too early to talk about the stage after the United States of America, as it is still the main guarantor of the security of the Arab Gulf states in the foreseeable future.
Second: The administration of current President Joe Biden seeks to achieve a measure of balance between retreating from crises by limiting the direct military presence and at the same time achieving deterrence by defining realistic goals and new ways to achieve that deterrence, not including military force.
Third: In light of the persistence of many current security challenges, including the Iranian nuclear crisis, as well as threats to maritime security, this entails a responsibility on the United States to support the security of its partners from the Arab Gulf states, as well as the energy security of its European partners, but this did not prevent the Gulf states from seeking to diversify its security partners with a number of major countries.
This study concluded three findings:
First: Although the official documents issued by the American institutions included the issue of military redeployment, the reality confirms, and leaves no room for the slightest doubt, that it is too early to talk about the stage after the United States of America, as it is still the main guarantor of the security of the Arab Gulf states in the foreseeable future.
Second: The administration of current President Joe Biden seeks to achieve a measure of balance between retreating from crises by limiting the direct military presence and at the same time achieving deterrence by defining realistic goals and new ways to achieve that deterrence, not including military force.
Third: In light of the persistence of many current security challenges, including the Iranian nuclear crisis, as well as threats to maritime security, this entails a responsibility on the United States to support the security of its partners from the Arab Gulf states, as well as the energy security of its European partners, but this did not prevent the Gulf states from seeking to diversify its security partners with a number of major countries.
The Egyptian -Jordanian-Iraqi Rapprochement: The “New Orient”
In the midst of the current regional and global developments and the continuation of many unresolved crises and the burdens that this poses to the UN organization, the importance of the concept of regional security emerges, which is what the study aims at dealing with the Egyptian-Jordanian- Iraqi rapprochement in what is known as the "New Orient."
This study concluded three findings:
First: This tripartite rapprochement is an important plan, not only in terms of promoting common interests between the three countries, but also to achieve a balance of power towards parties that aim to perpetuate imbalances in the balance of power equation. Perhaps what gives cause for optimism is the keenness of the three parties to establish permanent mechanisms for this rapprochement, which means the possibility of its development in the future towards broader horizons.
Second: Despite the strategic importance of this tripartite rapprochement at the regional level, it represents an important regional framework for Iraq to re-establish an effective role within the regional system.
Third: There is no doubt that any orientations of partnerships and alliances are faced with counter-moves, which means that the three countries are keen to move forward in strengthening that tripartite rapprochement through an extended network of interests that achieve the principle of mutual dependence and it is difficult to evade it. Rather, it can develop into broader horizons and include membership of other parties who have the same interests and wish to be part of that new framework.
This study concluded three findings:
First: This tripartite rapprochement is an important plan, not only in terms of promoting common interests between the three countries, but also to achieve a balance of power towards parties that aim to perpetuate imbalances in the balance of power equation. Perhaps what gives cause for optimism is the keenness of the three parties to establish permanent mechanisms for this rapprochement, which means the possibility of its development in the future towards broader horizons.
Second: Despite the strategic importance of this tripartite rapprochement at the regional level, it represents an important regional framework for Iraq to re-establish an effective role within the regional system.
Third: There is no doubt that any orientations of partnerships and alliances are faced with counter-moves, which means that the three countries are keen to move forward in strengthening that tripartite rapprochement through an extended network of interests that achieve the principle of mutual dependence and it is difficult to evade it. Rather, it can develop into broader horizons and include membership of other parties who have the same interests and wish to be part of that new framework.
To What Extent Does the American Defense Strategy Extend toward the South China Sea?
This study deals with the strategic competition between the United States of America and China in the South China Sea by analyzing the strategies and mechanisms of managing that conflict, especially in light of the presence of other forces related to that competition and thus affecting the substance and paths of the conflict.
This study concluded three findings:
First: Despite the intensification of conflict and competition in the South China Sea, given that that region was a major reason for the United States changing its defense strategy, the conflict in that region is still described as a disciplined conflict that has not reached the edge of the abyss, in other words, war and military confrontation is not inevitable in that area.
Second: It is noticed that the United States of America is seeking to pursue a strategy in the South China Sea that balances its interests and the interests of its allies in East Asia by engaging in cooperative projects with some countries in that region.
Third: In light of the complexity of the environment of the conflict in the South China Sea, the United States of America found itself forced to adapt to Chinese and Russian tactics that combine paramilitary operations, proxy wars and economic measures. However, the Russian operation in Ukraine has created concerns among many countries in South East Asia, that still uphold the importance of the principles of international law, especially those related to the sovereignty and independence of states.
This study concluded three findings:
First: Despite the intensification of conflict and competition in the South China Sea, given that that region was a major reason for the United States changing its defense strategy, the conflict in that region is still described as a disciplined conflict that has not reached the edge of the abyss, in other words, war and military confrontation is not inevitable in that area.
Second: It is noticed that the United States of America is seeking to pursue a strategy in the South China Sea that balances its interests and the interests of its allies in East Asia by engaging in cooperative projects with some countries in that region.
Third: In light of the complexity of the environment of the conflict in the South China Sea, the United States of America found itself forced to adapt to Chinese and Russian tactics that combine paramilitary operations, proxy wars and economic measures. However, the Russian operation in Ukraine has created concerns among many countries in South East Asia, that still uphold the importance of the principles of international law, especially those related to the sovereignty and independence of states.
